The Faults of the American Criminal Justice System Run Deeper Than Race


 

PROTEST HANDCUFF

 

By 

PhD student, Harvard University

 

 

 

For those continually exasperated by the spate of white denials of racism in the face of blatantly racist police killings, the #CrimingWhileWhite stories on Twitter were a gratifying rebuttal. By offering a mountain of testimony in the form of direct race-based compare-and-contrast stories, the meme undermined the country’s pernicious refusal to acknowledge that perhaps, just perhaps, it might be good to be in the upper caste. In making explicit what all secretly know to be true, an honest conversation seemed at last to be occurring.

But one thing remains puzzling about the picture being painted by #CrimingWhileWhite tweets: Who are all these people who have had such positive interactions with cops? Many poor white people might be surprised that “Criming While White” apparently gets one a free pass, and so would the large population ofregularly-brutalized homeless people in my own hometown of Sarasota, Florida. The problem with the concept, then, is not that it gives priority to white voices, as some argued, but that it reinforces the myth that the police can have some trace of benevolence, that there is an ideal justice system in miniature lurking beneath the visible one. In doing so, it prevents a full reckoning with American criminal justice’s corrosive faults, and limits possibilities for altering it.

The fact is that a bloated, unaccountable police force victimizes a wide swath of people, and that being a member of a privileged race is not always protection. Certainly it wasn’t for Kelly Thomas, the homeless man killed by Fullerton, California police officers. As the schizophrenic Thomas had the life beaten out of him behind the Slidebar Rock-N-Roll Kitchen, he called out hopelessly for his father: “Dad…Dad…Dad.” Thomas didn’t fare any better than Eric Garner, except that his officers were put on trial — before being acquitted.

And so, as the #Criming tweeters painted their picture of an Andy Griffith world of policing, in which whiteness means the local sheriff laughs off your latest teen indiscretion and drops you at your parents’ doorstep, it didn’t quite ring true. The fact is that unless you are both white and wealthy, the police are a largely antagonistic force.

Of course, the level of mistreatment and violence against blacks is unparalleled. But if a theory is to hold, it must be able to deal with exceptional cases, such as the death of a mentally-ill white man at the hands of a Hispanic police officer. If the problem with the American criminal justice system is that it is racist, how can one explain such an incident except as an aberrational absurdity? But it is not an aberrational absurdity; it is a core reality of contemporary criminal justice.

Constitutional law professor James Forman has pointed this out in critiquing the concept of “The New Jim Crow.” As Forman puts it, “The Jim Crow claim is, at the end of the day, an appeal to the base — a metaphor with great potential to mobilize blacks and racial justice advocates to care about mass incarceration. But it comes at a cost — namely, the analogy does not encourage other racial groups to recognize that, on this issue, black interests coincide with their own.” Kelly Thomas didn’t have any better luck on account of his race, nor did Dillon Taylor, the unarmed white man gunned down by Salt Lake City police in August, or Robert Saylor, the man with Down’s syndrome asphyxiated by deputies when he refused to leave a movie theater. The homeless and mentally ill of either race, and many poor people generally, can report that life is no #CrimingWhileWhite picnic. The undesirable and excluded are universally subjected to the policeman’s billy club.

Not accepting this important nuance could have devastating consequences for a movement. If analysis begins and ends at “Black lives matter,” what becomes of the Muslim lives continually under police surveillance since 9/11? The homeless lives who are under daily harassment? The brown lives threatened by a ruthless deportation regime? The more than 200,000 women’s lives in America’s prisons?

Furthermore, if exorcising racism is taken to be the sole objective, campaigners might be at risk of getting exactly what they wish for: police will diversify their ranks and reduce the ugly racial statistical imbalance, yet ultimately will become not a shred less vindictive, violent, and unaccountable.

This same trap occurs in discussions of the American death penalty. We can say the death penalty is racist, which is true. But ending our diagnosis there means leaving open the possibility for the state to simply iron out the disparities: as long as people are being executed without regard to their race, there can be no problem. We lack a framework to deal with the case of Scott Panetti, the hideously mentally ill white man under threat of execution in Texas. The point that should be being made is that the death penalty is wrong because it is immoral, not wrong because it is racially disparate. Similarly, American policing must be condemned, not only because it continues Jim Crow, but because it is an uncontrollable, militarized, and yes, racist leviathan that tramples the vulnerable to death without consequence.

This does add a small amount of complexity to the post-Ferguson project. But it should not be difficult to simultaneously hold the twin beliefs that criminal justice is racial in nature and that there is an economic elite who enjoy advantages that the poor, no matter what their race, do not. Race-based and class-based analyses of power are not alternatives, they are complements. Each is a hierarchy, and they manifest in different, intricate ways. This is what the theory of “intersectionality” is supposed to be useful for: there are bigotries that a white homeless woman will face that a black male executive will not, and vice versa. But the strategy for success is solidarity among the weak against the strong.

Race is the central fact of American criminal justice. But race is not the only fact. Understanding this system, and dismantling it, requires understanding that the existence of racism doesn’t preclude the possibility of class domination. It requires affirming simultaneously that black lives matter, and that every oppressed life matters. And it requires that we be haunted not only by Eric Garner’s “I can’t breathe,” but by Kelly Thomas’s “Dad…Dad…Dad…”

 

Via HuffPo

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3 thoughts on “The Faults of the American Criminal Justice System Run Deeper Than Race

  1. Every state has policies and some laws to bar from employment ex-offenders.. Scott Walker of Wisconsin and his Republican party repealed a long standing employment law allowing ex-offenders to be free of discrimination from employment arrest and conviction record discrimination where there was no substantial relationship of conviction and job function . Many states outright reject employment of ex-offenders. And social security is suffering from it. The aged ,or disabled ex-offenders in time don’t have work credits from long term ,or even short term employment . Becoming old, disabled there placed on SSI welfare in social security drawing off the system without putting in the system as one on SSDI. Ex-offenders are entrenched into poverty, as well as their families. Social retribution for commission of a crime has cut our throats in spite our face not employing ex-offenders. Poverty fosters crime, and states entrench ex-offenders into poverty not employing them allowing basic needs as food-shelter provided by employment work and reward ethics ,and being tax-payers. America has the largest prison population in the world. It keeps getting bigger , and ex-offenders keep returning back to prison, and jail to the point the American gross domestic product is private , and government prisons. This unemployment of ex-offenders is nexus to the reason social security going broke…

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  2. Finally someone thinks deeper than race. It’s about poverty as a whole in this country and the fact that these people are marginalized by our so called “justice” system. Thank you Mr. Robinson for seeing the deeper problem that people of all races should strive to change in this country. We the people, all of us, no matter the race, need to let our representatives know that we want JUSTICE REFORM NOW. The current system enriches the rich who have a stake in this prison industrial society and impoverishes even further the poor and unrepresented in this country. Speak out now! Contact your congress people today and be vocal every chance that you get to let it be known that we the people do not accept our current justice system!

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